So concludes a winter election campaign under the sign of Donald Trump that has been getting more overshadowed with each passing day by a toxic discourse on migration, declared the cause of all current social ills. The language of bourgeois democracy is taking increasingly nationalist turns, as is plain to see in the slogans on all the lampposts: “For a country we can be proud of again” (CDU⁽¹⁾) or “More for you. Better for Germany” (SPD⁽²⁾). The FDP⁽³⁾ concludes that even “good will” on migration must have “limits”. The AfD⁽⁴⁾ puts this logic rather more directly: “Proper deportations!”

So it was only too predictable in this social climate that the horrific attacks in Magdeburg and Aschaffenburg would be weaponised and exploited for racist ends for manoeuvres in the election campaign. Immediately after the bloodshed in Aschaffenburg, the CDU’s leader and election candidate Friedrich Merz declared, in classic Trump style, that as chancellor he would impose “permanent controls” on the borders and repel “all attempts at illegal immigration without exception” from “day one”. Merz proclaimed these demands “non-negotiable”, and a precondition for the formation of any coalition following the election. To signal their decisiveness and rigour on the matter, Merz and the leaders of the Union (the CDU/CSU alliance)⁽⁵⁾ decided to go all in, and submitted relevant motions and a bill to parliament “no matter who with”. What happened next, we know all too well. The motion submitted by the Union, “A Five-Point Plan for Migration Policy” received the support they expected from the AfD, and thus a majority. Two days later, the bill for an “Immigration Limitation Act” supported by the Union, the AfD, the FDP and the BSW⁽⁶⁾ was only narrowly defeated. It was nonetheless the first time a proposal received a majority “with open eyes” with the votes of the AfD. The latter were of course over the moon: “Now begins something new, and we are leading the way”, the AfD’s parliamentary leader Bernd Baumann rejoiced.

The Firewall and the Hypocrisy of the “Democratic Centre”

These events elicited horror among much of the populace. The churches published an open letter, former chancellor Angela Merkel publicly criticised Merz’s actions, and tens of thousands across the nation took to the streets. By coming together in a joint pact, the CDU, FDP, BSW and AfD have broken another parliamentary taboo and finally destroyed the so-called “firewall against the AfD”. That firewall, however, was already no more than a rotten picket fence. Already a year ago we wrote this on the subject:

The oft-invoked “firewall against the right” reveals itself in this way to be a self-litigating contradiction. While they position themselves rhetorically against the AfD, asylum laws are being tightened further, the police and security apparatus expanded, and thus the central points of the AfD’s programme implemented. The most cynical politicians justify this by claiming to hope that this will “demystify” the AfD and steal their wind from their sails. But in fact, the AfD have only grown in favour and strength. Now as ever they find themselves in the exceptionally comfortable position of being able to increase and escalate their demands, and to present themselves as a particularly consistent representative of an authoritative solution to the crisis.

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The process is now moving to the next level. The criticism of the Union’s proposals by the so-called “democratic centre” never touched on their inhumane content, but merely the Union’s approach. At most, legal concerns were raised as to the implementation of the proposals, and warnings against “the nation going solo”. The chief complaint, however, was that the Union would destroy the “democratic centre” by forming an alliance with the AfD.

But who is this “democratic centre”, which now eloquently posits itself as an anti-fascist defence of that firewall? The self-same characters who were proclaiming only last year that we must finally begin deporting people “on a mass scale” (Olaf Scholz). The very same people who have spent the last few years introducing the harshest laws and measures against refugees and undermining the right to asylum, policies for which they still even expressly boast. “We are the only country in Europe,” Scholz gloated on the subject, “to have succeeded in the past year in deporting criminals back to Afghanistan.” “If it happens once, it must surely happen many more times”, the AfD rejoice, and in so saying fan the flames of the contest of racist one-upmanship. And so it was hardly surprising that the Greens’ Robert Habeck followed this up with their own “Ten Point Plan”. This aims for an “enforcement offensive” with “emphasis on Islamists and violent offenders”, an “effective containment of migration at Germany’s external borders”, and a “drastic acceleration of the asylum process”. The AfD can have a good laugh amongst themselves at how this was essentially copied from them. But they know all too well that they are still winning by a nose in the current contest of racism.

The Agony of German Capitalism

The breakdown of the “traffic light government”⁽⁷⁾ immediately on the day of the “Trump shock” is symbolic of German capitalism’s tendency to crisis. The so-called “traffic lights” went down in history as one of the most unpopular governments of all time. Many hold them responsible for the current state of misery. At the same time, any hopes that a CDU government would improve the situation are very muted indeed. This may well have been Merz’s motivation in openly playing the racist card to win domination over airtime during the election campaign. But the problems go deeper than that. The implications of the war in Ukraine have been a significant strategic and economic setback for German capitalism. New dependencies in the fields of military and energy policies have emerged, above all in respect to relations with the US. At the same time, getting cut off from Chinese markets (where the oxygen supply is already thinning) would spell disaster for the German economy. All of this has cleaved deep rifts into the German bourgeoisie. And to this we now add the Trump factor, generally considered an element of unpredictability. An impending escalation in the dispute over import duties, or even an out and out trade war with the US, would have further unpredictable consequences for the German economy. The only way out of this dilemma for German capital lies in a massive rearmament effort and brutal social cuts. The so-called special funds for the army to the tune of 100 billion is only a taste of what is to come. It’s obvious who will get lumped with the costs of this forced rearmament. The vilification of benefits recipients and the demand for the abolition of sick pay speak for themselves. They are harbingers of further brutal attacks on wages, pensions and benefits. Already 14 million people in Germany are affected by poverty (nearly 3 million more than in 2006). The costs of housing, energy and food have skyrocketed, while net spending on social assistance has been reduced by almost half. In 2019 it was still at 32.82 billion euros; by 2022 this had been slashed to 17.63 billion. This is offset by the huge profits made by arms companies; for example, in 2024 Rheinmetall was able to secure contracts worth 52 billion – an increase of 48%!

Against this backdrop, it’s only logical for the ruling class to take up the “migration question”, engage in racist propaganda, and make refugees and migrants a scapegoat for all this social misery. It’s the oldest trick in the book. Racism is not only a prejudice or a moral obscenity, but also a principle of the organisation of capitalist society. This system is founded on competition among wage workers for jobs, social assistance and housing. Racism feeds on the idea that the cup passes to someone else if you step down and others have to tighten their belts. It’s on this basis that the idea that “migration” is to blame for crumbling infrastructure and shortages of housing and jobs is able to spread. As long as this goes unaddressed, and as long as social and political debates fail to make clear that the cause of all these crises is the system itself, the racist right will continue to score points.

Against Racist Division – Don’t Vote, Fight!

Capitalism’s relentless pursuit of competition and profit has led to devastating destruction worldwide. Climate change and environmental destruction, famine and ever more brutal wars have forced the displacement of millions of people. In the face of these global problems, the various election programmes have nothing more to offer than the reactionary concept of national isolation. It’s a call to attack the weakest in order to perpetuate exploitation. Those who are forced to sell their labour power under conditions that grow more precarious by the day have no interest in the intensification of migration laws, whose sole and entire aim is to divide us against each other. The defence of migrants and refugees without compromise is therefore a precondition for any successful struggle for better wages, more affordable housing, and against the unfettered drive to war. Under the present conditions, insisting on such an internationalist perspective will be anything but popular. But it is a prerequisite for building class unity in order to withstand the social conflicts that loom on the horizon. Naturally, this is not a perspective we will find on any ballot paper; nor can we hope for it to be introduced to parliament in the form of any proposal or bill. It can only take shape through solidarity and independent action. The creeping authoritarianism reflected in the various election programmes relies on persecution and manipulation. The “will of the voters” formed thus is its “trump card” to play to further divide us, promote rearmament and social cuts, and drive us to war. Bourgeois parliament spreads the illusion that others are acting in our interests by making policies on our behalf, and thus cultivates passivity and servility. To believe that we can bring about change, or even prevent the worst of what’s to come, through the ballot box is pure delusion. Our interests as wage labourers can only be defended by us ourselves, through unity, self-organisation and solidarity! Reject the racist bait! Defend yourselves against wage cuts, rent hikes and warmongering! Organise in your workplaces and communities!

Don’t vote, fight!

Notes:

(1) CDU – Christian Democratic Union; the party formerly led by Angela Merkel; centre-right conservatives

(2) SPD – Social Democratic Party of Germany; the party of Olaf Scholz; centre-left

(3) FDP – Free Democratic Party; centre-right liberals

(4) AfD – Alternative for Germany; right populists

(5) CSU – Christian Social Union; centre-right conservatives in Bavaria, allied to CDU

(6) BSW – Sahra Wagenknecht Alliance; a new left-populist party

(7) Coalition government of the SPD, FDP and Alliance 90/Greens, named after the colours of the respective parties (red, yellow, and green); i.e. Olaf Scholz' cabinet between December 2021 and November 2024