In USSR and in all other countries of “real socialism”, in reality the mode of production was not different from capitalism. Formally, private property did not exist; but, concretely, workers had no voice in regard to the management of the means of production and distribution, and of the whole society. On the other hand, the bureaucratic elite played the role of a real state bourgeoisie, controlling the production and living as a parasite body, in luxuries and privileges, on the exploitation of the proletariat. Instead, communism means that production is not organized for the profit of a small minority, but to satisfy the needs of the whole humanity. The communist society is a free association of producers who enjoy the fruits of their work and share them also with those who - for various reasons: children, elders, invalids - are not able to participate in the production of the common wealth: from each one according to his ability, to each one according to his needs.
The Russian proletarian revolution, the first and unique episode in which the proletariat conquered power, though creating all political conditions to build a socialist society, had not the possibility to grow on the higher level of social and economical realizations, because it was penalized by its economical backwardness and by its isolation from other revolutionary experiences in the area of advanced capitalism. The conquests obtained by the Bolshevik October, till that point, represented only the necessary conditions for the successive socialist development, though not being sufficient at all. Socialization is not just expropriation; it is collective property, i.e. not property; it simply means communitarian management of goods and resources, with no one individually - nor the state - being able to claim their possession. In order to let the potentiality of its premises unroll in actuality, an international revolution was needed, to came and help “poor” and backward Russia. Otherwise, farewell to socialism, but also farewell to all those premises so hardly achieved in the first victorious revolutionary episode.
Only the historical falsification of Stalinism about the possibility of socialism in a single country, accompanied by the physical elimination of the Bolshevik old guard and any form of internationalist opposition, could distort the precariousness of a very fragile phase of wait and programmatic recoil, to represent it, instead, as the triumphal take off toward the edification of socialism. That mystification was the more devious and ominous, the wider the proletarian international masses were. Given the emotional wave of the memory of the revolutionary Bolshevik October, those masses were easy prey, absorbed by the myth of Russia. Stalinism didn’t gave life to any socialist realization, on the contrary it was the tragic, oppressive and police-based form taken by the counter-revolution in Russia.